Homelessness Essays - Homelessness In The United States, Free Essays

Vagrancy Essays - Homelessness In The United States, Free Essays Vagrancy The Stewart McKinney Act of 1987 characterizes a vagrant as Aone who does not have a fixed lasting evening time living arrangement, or whose evening habitation is an impermanent safe house, government assistance lodging or any open or private spot not assigned as resting facilities for human [emailprotected] (583). Remembered for the destitute populace are individuals who remain with companions or family for a brief timeframe and afterward choose to discover cover on the roads in view of contention with the individuals whom they are remaining with, or as a result of individual pride. In the mid 1980=s vagrancy was resolved to be a significant issue in the United States. These years saw a lofty ascent in the quantity of destitute, because of poor economy and reducing money related assistance for lodging and salary. The destitute comprise of various kinds, races, and times of individuals. An enormous bit of the destitute populace comprises of men yet the quantity of ladies and youngsters living on the lanes is on the ascent. Current measurements show that ladies and kids presently make up around 40% of the destitute populace. As indicated by John J. Macionis 33% of vagrants misuse medications and one-fourth are intellectually sick. The present destitute populace is generally non-white and has a normal age of the center thirties. Veterans make up around 33% of the all out number of vagrants. The destitute all experience the ill effects of outright neediness. As expressed in 1995 by the United States government, 36 million individuals or 13.8% of the populace was poor. The administration characterizes a group of four as being poor in the event that they produce a yearly salary of $15,569 or less, in spite of the fact that the normal ad libbed family=s pay was distinctly around $10,000 in 1995. The Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics expresses, the normal yearly pay of the destitute in Chicago was $1198 in 1996 (584). APerhaps we ought not be astonished that one percent of our populace, for some explanation can't adapt to our complex and exceptionally serious [emailprotected] (Macionis 183) As per the Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics vagrancy in America has a few causes. One such reason is the intensity of the business advertise. Organizations are no longer as faithful to their workers as they used to be. Numerous partnerships presently utilize abroad workers. Likewise, a decreasing measure of low-ability occupations, because of industrialization has expanded the odds of low-talented specialists discovering work. The Chicago alliance for the destitute states that an individual must be utilized full time and procure more than $8.29 every hour so as to surpass the government neediness level for a group of four. As per the 1997 statistics report 2.3 million individuals worked all day however were still beneath the neediness line (5). Another explanation behind the expanded number of destitute is the absence of moderate lodging, particularly in urban zones. The Chicago Coalition for the Homeless reports that, broadly, 10.5 million low salary leaseholders seek 6.1 million rental units that are inside their value run, leaving 4.4 million without moderate lodging (3). Some low-salary regions are being purchased out by affluent business visionaries who redesign and reestablish them and reestablish them and sell them for an enormous benefit. The mainstreaming of regulated mental patients is another explanation behind vagrancy. As indicated by Microsoft Encarta broadly 20-25% of the destitute populace experiences a type of major psychological sickness (2). These individuals are less inclined to have the option to acquire bolster, for example, treatment, case the executives and the assistance that is important to discover and keep up perpetual lodging. The latest reason for vagrancy in the United States is the Afeminization of [emailprotected] Because of the high cost of youngster care and the expanding quantities of single parents, the quantity of vagrants and kids is on the ascent. As indicated by Stacey Chambers the ascent in the quantity of vagrants is mostly because of aggressive behavior at home. In a meeting of destitute moms ninety-two percent had been ambushed at once in their lives. The greater part had experienced episodes of significant despondency inther lives while just 20% of the United States female populace had experienced comparative sadness (2). Regardless of these realities and insights, little else is thought about these individuals. Most sociological reviews are directed by telephone or

module 1 assignment C Essay examples

module 1 task C Essay models module 1 task C Essay models Module 1: TMA C Question 1 Temperature Time (Seconds) PH 10â ºc 95 7 15â ºc 65 7.2 20â ºc 42 7.1 25â ºc 30 7.4 Question 2 (a) Two arrangements of rodents were utilized so there would be a control set in the two pieces of the trial. The trial was to see the impact of milk on the advancement of the rodents. By giving one set milk for a specific measure of time at that point halting the milk following 18 days and giving a similar add up to the next set It was conceivable to control the factors that may impact the outcomes. (b) 20 rodents were utilized instead of two to guarantee dependability of the examination. On the off chance that only 2 rodents were utilized the final products may have been brought about by another factor other than milk, such as sickness of one of the rodents. By utilizing such a large number of rodents a normal of the outcomes can be determined and consequently the final product increasingly precise. (c) Calcium †a mineral found in milk that is answerable for making teeth and bones. Nutrient A - a nutrient found in milk mindful safe wellbeing and for typical development and improvement of body tissues. (d) Young rodents were utilized as opposed to grown-ups on the grounds that this examination was estimating a increment or abatement of mass of the rodents. Youthful rodents were experiencing a period of quick improvement, in grown-ups the greater part of the developing would have just happened and thererfore we would not have such an educated outcome regarding the impact of milk on advancement. (e) In past examinations, rodents that were given no milk turned out to be sick and passed on, the rodents expected to remain alive for moral explanation, unwavering quality and precision of the examination. Exchanging the eating regimens following 18 days was significant for reasons, for example, The rodents with no milk in the principal set were given milk before they kicked the bucket, along these lines this made the full examination conceivable. We can perceive what happens when milk is added to the recently denied set, the rodents start to develop ordinarily and in connection with the set who were given milk in any case. This includes evidence that milk affects development. We can perceive what happens when milk is precluded from the eating regimen, the rodents quit flourishing and development rate really drops. This includes additional verification that milk affects the development and advancement of rodents. Question 3 (a) X †Bile conduit (b) B - Stomach (c) C †Pancreas (d) G †Ileum (small digestive tract) (e) A †Liver (f) D or F Colon (internal organ) Not clear from chart if F is rectum or colon. Question 4 (a) 1. pancreas 2. Small digestive system (b) Salivary organs and pancreas (c) ileum (d) Liver Question 5 (a) The capacity of the stomach isn't to process food, its fucntion is to separate food utilizing compounds, absorption happens in the small digestive tract. â€Å"The capacity of the stomach is to separate food utilizing enzymes†. (b) The small digestive system doesn't really retain food it is here that food is consumed. â€Å"Food

Safety Strategies for Driving With Adult ADHD

Safety Strategies for Driving With Adult ADHD ADHD Adult ADD/ADHD Print Safety Strategies for Driving With Adult ADHD By Keath Low Keath Low, MA, is a therapist and clinical scientist with the Carolina Institute for Developmental Disabilities at the University of North Carolina. She specializes in treatment of ADD/ADHD. Learn about our editorial policy Keath Low Medically reviewed by Medically reviewed by Steven Gans, MD on August 01, 2016 Steven Gans, MD is board-certified in psychiatry and is an active supervisor, teacher, and mentor at Massachusetts General Hospital. Learn about our Medical Review Board Steven Gans, MD Updated on July 31, 2019 ADHD Overview Symptoms Causes Diagnosis Treatment Living With In Children Siri Stafford / Getty Images Research has shown that teenagers and adults with attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) tend to be at an increased risk of driving impairments. This is not surprising given the core symptoms of ADHD â€" including problems with distractibility, hyperactivity, and impulsiveness â€" which can impede safe driving and can often lead to very serious accidents. One study, “Serious Transport Accidents in Adults With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder and the Effect of Medication” published in JAMA Psychiatry, found that drivers with ADHD had a 45% to 47% increased rate of serious transport accidents (defined as serious injury or death) compared to drivers without ADHD, in both men and women. In this study investigators also explored the extent to which ADHD medication influences risks among subjects with ADHD. They found that ADHD medication use was associated with reduced rates of accidents among male drivers with ADHD. Why Drivers With ADHD May Be at Increased Risk Many drivers with ADHD find they have difficulty maintaining vigilance and keeping their mind focused while on the road. Distractions within the car (cell phone, radio, passengers) and outside the car (road construction, “rubbernecking” while driving by accidents, general points of interest alongside the road) can make it even more challenging to stay focused. Impulsive errors and reactions, as well as slower and delayed reactions, can also heighten risks for drivers with ADHD. Stimulation-seeking behaviors (driving at high speeds, taking curves aggressively, any risk-taking behaviors) can further impede safety. Even impatience while driving, which can sometimes escalate to angry reactions including  road rage,  seems to be more prevalent in adults with ADHD. Strategies to Help Reduce Driving Risks Associated With ADHD Below are five strategies to consider to reduce driving risks associated with ADHD: Take Your ADHD Medication Medication has been shown to be effective in improving driving performance in adults with ADHD. If you have been prescribed medicine to help manage symptoms of ADHD, it is important that you be diligent about taking your medicine on a schedule that ensures you have adequate levels of medicine in your bloodstream when you are most likely to be driving (for example in the morning to work and during the late afternoon route home). Reduce Distractions Remove all potential distractions from within the car. Turn off the cell phone and put it out of reach so that you aren’t tempted to use while driving. Do not eat while driving. Only adjust the radio, heat/air conditioning, mirrors, etc. while the car is stopped. Let passengers know what is most helpful for you to maintain focus. It may be that you prefer not to engage in conversations while the vehicle is moving. Drive a Car With a Manual Transmission Consider whether you are a more attentive driver when using a manual transmission, as opposed to an automatic. Use of a manual transmission has been demonstrated to be associated with greater arousal. Adults (and children) with ADHD tend to be more productive and focused when an activity is involving and engaging. For some people with ADHD shifting gears manually while driving provides a positive level of stimulation that is helpful in maintaining focus. Never Drink and Drive Never drink alcohol and drive. Adults with ADHD are more adversely affected in their driving by even low doses of alcohol than drivers without ADHD. Buckle Up Always wear your seatbelt. Make this part of your routine as soon as you get in the car. If you need to put a brightly colored sticky note on your dashboard as a reminder, do so.

Animal Experimentation Issues and Alternatives Essay

1. INTRODUCTION Currently, Animals experimentation is becoming a controversial topic. As millions of creatures have been tested to benefit human life. A simple definition of this procedure is observing scientific laboratory examinations on live animals. There are many campaigns around the world which reject these tests and request the alternatives. They believe that this kind of experimentation is harmful for people as much as it is cruel to animals while others argue these experiments are substantial for humans live as they are used in important medical research. In this project I will present different areas of this hotly debated issue with an important clarification of the history of animals testing and the common use of it with†¦show more content†¦A good instance of this is Dolly the sheep, which was born as a first cloned animal in the world in 1996. 3. Animals commonly used Laboratories animal has to have special properties such as, an appropriate body size to ease dealing with it during the experiments, cheap to house and easy to breed like mice and rats; another good example is Beagles which are the most commonly used dogs because they are docile, trusting and obedient. Furthermore, there are several sorts of animal which are widely used on these tests such as, fish, birds, reptile, mammals and amphibian. According to the website of national statistic in the United Kingdom the usage of laboratories mice has the highest percentages with 69% while the total of other types usage is only 31%. 4. The use of Animals Experiments in the following fields 1- Biomedical research 2- Toxicity testing. 3- Biological science. 4.1. Biomedical Research â€Å"Biomedical research is an immensely complicated activity. It covers such a wide range of interests that no expert can clearly understand the details of more than a small section of it. These research is done with some medical objective in view, and the usualShow MoreRelatedEssay about We Must Search for Alternatives to Animal Testing1223 Words   |  5 Pagesdisease thanks to animal research but is animal research always beneficial? â€Å"Treat others as you would want to be treated,† is what the Golden Rule has taught us for many years. Should we not treat animals the same way we want to be treated in return? The topic of animals being used in medical research has been controversial for many years. One side of the argument says that using animals is the only way to safely test a product before it reaches the public, but others say alternatives should be pursuedRead MoreAnimal Testing For The Sole Benefit Of Humans979 Words   |  4 PagesFor years, there has been a debate regarding the use of animals in medical testing for the sole benefit of humans. 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The Draize eye irritancy test is just o ne of the thousands of examples of profuse animal testing that has been goingRead MoreAnimal Experimentation And Animal Testing1261 Words   |  6 Pagesand against animal experimentation. The report begins with an introduction briefly outlining what animal experimentation refers to, introducing the three perspectives and highlighting the intention behind this investigation. The report then explores the positive and negative medical aspect of animal experimentation stating that it has resulted in vital vaccines benefitting both humans and animals, but also accepting it is not always reliable. The advantages and disadvantages of animal testing onRead MoreEssay on Save the Animals: Say No to Animal Experimentation!1218 Words   |  5 Pagesfor animals before prescribing them to human beings. However, would it feel good to know that every year, hundreds of thousands of animals are captured from the wild and die just because of these said experiments? 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This type of support is monumental, but what about the animals that are tested on in UnitedRead MoreAnimal Welfare Campaign Should Be Banned1185 Words   |  5 PagesEvery year, over billions of innocent animals, are dying, poisoned, and killed as a result of million experiments that are tested on them. These new experiments are not hundred percent guaranteed. However, these experiences may work with animals and give positive results, but when it tests back on the human, it gives the opposite results. The animal welfare campaign finds that testing new products on animals is an inhuman and a cruel thing and it should be stop ped. So, they start making attacks aroundRead MoreThe Fight Against Animal Testing1456 Words   |  6 PagesThe Fight Against Animal Testing in Cosmetics The makeup industry has flourished for as long as one can remember. The popularity of beauty bloggers, celebrity makeup lines, etc. have actually led to a record-breaking boost in makeup sales. Cosmetic brands have become more prominent, and makeup stores such as Sephora and Ulta continue to thrive. However, various demands must be met in order to keep up with the growing consumership, and one of the most controversial topics contributing to the successRead MoreAnimal Testing Is Morally Wrong? Essay1373 Words   |  6 PagesHumans are animals, and as such it is morally wrong to use them to test pharmaceuticals intended for use by humans. Those who support animal experimentation believe it is a necessary evil, in part due to the false information put out by the media. The so-called benefits of animal testing have not helped humans for years, yet in many countries the law still requires researchers use animals to test their medications. In fact, although alternatives have been found, few steps have been taken to put anRead MoreAnimal Experimentation Is Unnecessary and Cruel Essay946 Words   |  4 PagesEvery year, millions of animals suffer through painful and unnecessary tests. Animals in laboratories all over the world live lives of deprivation, pain, isolation, and torture. Even though vast studies show that animal experimentation often lacks validity, leading to harmful human reactions, we still continue to use this method of experimentation, while many other less-expensive and more beneficial alternatives exist. Going beyond the issue of animal experimentation being morally wrong, this form

How Emotionally Intelligent Are You - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 3 Words: 876 Downloads: 6 Date added: 2019/05/14 Category Psychology Essay Level High school Tags: Emotional Intelligence Essay Did you like this example? Many people today believe your IQ, intelligence quotient, is more important than your EQ, emotional quotient or intelligence, however I do not believe this. Emotional intelligence is ones understanding of their feelings and emotions as well as those of others. Emotional intelligence also gives you the ability to control and evaluate your emotions. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "How Emotionally Intelligent Are You?" essay for you Create order A persons emotional intelligence may determine their communication skills, empathy towards others, ability to overcome hard work, and problem-solving skills. Emotional intelligence may affect your performance, mental health, and physical health. Intelligence quotient, IQ, is a number derived from a standard intelligence test (IQ or EQ: Which One is Important?). Your IQ measures visual and spatial processing, knowledge, reasoning, short term and working memory. People with high IQs are believed to be more successful in life. They are known to do well in school, earn more money and be healthier. In the workplace, employers want those who have outstanding emotional intelligence. Your emotional intelligence is the first thing they recognize when you come in for an interview, the way you greet people, the way you look at them and the way you present yourself is also a part of it. Employers need people with good present themselves in a professional manner. They are always looking for people willing to accept new challenges, take on manager duties, and make sure everything is done and to the supervisors asking. A person who doesnt present themselves in a professional manner often fail in the workplace. Those who are always tired from lack of sleep and not enough time to recover before working often do not feel energized enough to work. When facing difficult tasks, this may have uncontrollable thoughts running through their head. They may be thinking about how they are going to pay a bill, washing the car, or e ven feeding their animals at home. This is where your emotional intelligence becomes important. It lets your mind know that you are wondering too much, and that you should focus on the task at hand and let the rest fall in line. One must learn their own emotional triggers and methods to control them before they try to help others. An individual develops emotional intelligence overtime. Your emotional intelligence is developed through life experiences and reactions. One must take roles that involve interactions with people around you. Volunteering could help build you emotional intelligence, preferably with old people or those who are disabled. Volunteering in this kind of environment will allow you to develop feelings and understand the feelings of those who do not have the ability to live an everyday life like we do. If you want to get paid in the process, make it a part-time job to work with others and get a feel of teamwork. Getting involved in activities at school can also help. Social and emotional learning programs are available to those who have a hard time improving their emotional intelligence (Overview of Emotional Intelligence). The main goal for this program is to help those students be successful in the classroom and prevent bullying. One can also improve their emotional intelligence by observing how you react to others, by putting yourself in their shoes and accepting their perspectives and needs. Paying attention to those in the workplace could also help. Instead of always looking for the spotlight, giving other employees a chance to shine is also good. Self-evaluate yourself to determine your weakness and change your life. Taking responsibility for your actions is a way to improve your emotional intelligence. Being more forgiving rather than forgetting if they make mistakes. Emotional intelligence plays an important role in my everyday personal life as well as educational and in my career. I believe my emotional intelligence is still a work in progress. When I am working I tend to focus my attention more on the customers that come through my line than myself. Of course, that is standard practice in any workplace, but I do it because I want the customer to know I care. When customers approach the register, I will speak to them and ask about their day, or about some of the ingredients they are buying keep their shopping experience better. I may notice a coworker off to the side who is a little off, sad or mad, so I speak to them to see how they are feeling and if they may want to talk about it. Making sure the people around me are fine makes me feel much better about myself. There are times I may not be as interested and will not say anything which makes customers and my coworkers see me as rude or sad sometimes. The goal is to be able to go every day with a positive attitude and making it a about them versus me. Work Cited Cherry, K. (n.d.). How Emotionally Intelligent Are You? Retrieved October 7, 2018, from https://www.verywellmind.com/what-is-emotional-intelligence-2795423#improving Cherry, K. (n.d.). IQ or EQ: Which One Is More Important? Retrieved October 7, 2018, from https://www.verywellmind.com/iq-or-eq-which-one-is-more-important-2795287R. (2017, July 03). Emotional intelligence: What it takes to work with others. Retrieved October 7, 2018, from https://targetjobs.co.uk/careers-advice/skills-and-competencies/300872-emotional-intelligence-what-it-takes-to-work-with-others Emotional Intelligence: 10 Ways to Enhance Yours. (2017, November 10). Retrieved October 7, 2018, from https://www.normanrosenthal.com/blog/2011/09/emotional-intelligence-10-ways-to-enhance/

Example Research Critical Discourse Analysis Free Essays

18 Critical Discourse Analysis TEUN A. VAN DIJK 0 Introduction: What Is Critical Discourse Analysis? Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality. We will write a custom essay sample on Example Research: Critical Discourse Analysis or any similar topic only for you Order Now Some of the tenets of CDA can already be found in the critical theory of the Frankfurt School before the Second World War (Agger 1992b; Rasmussen 1996). Its current focus on language and discourse was initiated with the â€Å"critical linguistics† that emerged (mostly in the UK and Australia) at the end of the 1970s (Fowler et al. 1979; see also Mey 1985). CDA has also counterparts in â€Å"critical† developments in sociolinguistics, psychology, and the social sciences, some already dating back to the early 1970s (Birnbaum 1971; Calhoun 1995; Fay 1987; Fox and Prilleltensky 1997; Hymes 1972; Ibanez and Iniguez 1997; Singh 1996; Thomas 1993; Turkel 1996; Wodak 1996). As is the case in these neighboring disciplines, CDA may be seen as a reaction against the dominant formal (often â€Å"asocial† or â€Å"uncritical†) paradigms of the 1960s and 1970s. CDA is not so much a direction, school, or specialization next to the many other â€Å"approaches† in discourse studies. Rather, it aims to offer a different â€Å"mode† or â€Å"perspective† of theorizing, analysis, and application throughout the whole field. We may find a more or less critical perspective in such diverse areas as pragmatics, conversation analysis, narrative analysis, rhetoric, stylistics, sociolinguistics, ethnography, or media analysis, among others. Crucial for critical discourse analysts is the explicit awareness of their role in society. Continuing a tradition that rejects the possibility of a â€Å"value-free† science, they argue that science, and especially scholarly discourse, are inherently part of and influenced by social structure, and produced in social interaction. Instead of denying or ignoring such a relation between scholarship and society, they plead that such relations be studied and accounted for in their own right, and that scholarly practices Critical Discourse Analysis 353 be based on such insights. Theory formation, description, and explanation, also in discourse analysis, are sociopolitically â€Å"situated,† whether we like it or not. Reflection on the role of scholars in society and the polity thus becomes an inherent part of the discourse analytical enterprise. This may mean, among other things, that discourse analysts conduct research in solidarity and cooperation with dominated groups. Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of requirements in order to effectively realize its aims: †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ †¢ As is often the case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be â€Å"better† than other research in order to be accepted. It focuses primarily on , social problems and political issues, rather than on current paradigms and fashions. Empirically adequate critical analysis of social problems is usually multidisciplinary. Rather than merely describe discourse structures, it tries to explain them in terms of properties of social interaction and especially social structure. More specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm, legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society. Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. . 7. 8. CDA addresses social problems Power relations are discursive Discourse constitutes society and culture Discourse does ideological work Discourse is historical The link between text and society is mediated Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory Discourse is a form of social action. Whereas some of these tenets have also been discussed above, others need a more syste matic theoretical analysis, of which we shall present some fragments here as a more or less general basis for the main principles of CDA (for details about these aims of critical discourse and language studies, see, e. . , Caldas-Coulthard and Coulthard 1996; Fairclough 1992a, 1995a; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; Fowler et al. 1979; van Dijk 1993b). 1 Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks Since CDA is not a specific direction of research, it does not have a unitary theoretical framework. Within the aims mentioned above, there are many types of CDA, and these may be theoretically and analytically quite diverse. Critical analysis of conversation is very different from an analysis of news reports in the press or of lessons and teaching at school. Yet, given the common perspective and the general aims of CDA, we may also find overall conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are closely related. As suggested, most kinds of CDA will ask questions about the way specific 354 Teun A. van Dijk discourse structures are deployed in the reproduction of social dominance, whether they are part of a conversation or a news report or other genres and contexts. Thus, the typical vocabulary of many scholars in CDA will feature such notions as â€Å"power,† â€Å"dominance,† â€Å"hegemony,† â€Å"ideology,† â€Å"class,† â€Å"gender,† â€Å"race,† â€Å"discrimination,† â€Å"interests,† â€Å"reproduction,† â€Å"institutions,† â€Å"social structure,† and â€Å"social order,† besides the more familiar discourse analytical notions. ‘ In this section, I focus on a number of basic concepts themselves, and thus devise a theoretical framework that critically relates discourse, cognition, and society. 1. 1 Macro vs. micro Language use, discourse, verbal interaction, and communication belong to the microlevel of the social order. Power, dominance, and inequality between social groups are typically terms that belong to a macrolevel of analysis. This means that CDA has to theoretically bridge the well-known â€Å"gap† between micro and macro approaches, which is of course a distinction that is a sociological construct in its own right (Alexander et al. 1987; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981). In everyday interaction and experience the macro- and microlevel (and intermediary â€Å"mesolevels†) form one unified whole. For instance, a racist speech in parliament is a discourse at the microlevel of social interaction in the specific situation of a debate, but at the same time may enact or be a constituent part of legislation or the reproduction of racism at the macrolevel. There are several ways to analyze and bridge these levels, and thus to arrive at a unified critical analysis: Members–groups: Language users-engage in discourse as members of (several) social groups, organizations, or institutions; and conversely, groups thus may act â€Å"by† their members. Actions–process: Social acts of individual actors are thus constituent parts of group actions and social processes, such as legislation, newsmaking, or the reproduction of racism. 3 Context–social structure: Situations of discursive interaction are similarly part or constitutive of social structure; for example, a press conference may be a typical practice of organizations and media institutions. That is, â€Å"loc al† and more â€Å"global† contexts are closely related, and both exercise constraints on discourse. Personal and social cognition: Language users as social actors have both personal and social cognition: personal memories, knowledge and opinions, as well as those shared with members of the group or culture as a whole. Both types of cognition influence interaction and discourse of individual members, whereas shared â€Å"social representations† govern the collective actions of a group. 1 1. 2 Power as control A central notion in most critical work on discourse is that of power, and more specifically the social power of groups or institutions. Summarizing a complex philosophical and social analysis, we will define social power in terms of control. Thus, groups have Critical Discourse Analysis 355 (more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the acts and minds of (members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power base of privileged access to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, information, â€Å"culture,† or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication (of the vast literature on power, see, e. . , Lukes 1986; Wrong 1979). Different types of power may be distinguished according to the various resources employed to exercise such power: the coercive power of the military and of violent men will rather be based on force, the rich will have power because of their money, whereas the more or less persuasive power of parents, professors, or journalists may be based on knowledge, information, or authority. Note also that power is seldom absolute. Groups may more or less control other groups, or only control them in specific situations or social domains. Moreover, dominated groups may more or less resist, accept, condone, comply with, or legitimate such power, and even find it â€Å"natural. † The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits, and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called â€Å"hegemony† (Gramsci 1971). Class domination, sexism, and racism are characteristic examples of such hegemony. Note also that power is not always exercised in obviously abusive acts of dominant group members, but may be enacted in the myriad of taken-for-granted actions of everyday life, as is typically the case in the many forms of everyday sexism or racism (Essed 1991). Similarly, not all members of a powerful group are always more powerful than all members of dominated groups: power is only defined here for groups as a whole. For our analysis of the relations between discourse and power, thus, we first find that access to specific forms of discourse, e. . those of politics, the media, or science, is itself a power resource. Secondly, as suggested earlier, action is controlled by our minds. So, if we are able to influence people’s minds, e. g. their knowledge or opinions, we indirectly may control (some of) their actions, as we know from persuasion and manipulation. Closing the discourse–power circle, finally, this means that those groups who control most influential discourse also have more chances to control the minds and actions of others. Simplifying these very intricate relationships even further for this chapter, we can split up the issue of discursive power into two basic questions for CDA research: 1 How do (more) powerful groups control public discourse? 2 How does such discourse control mind and action of (less) powerful groups, and what are the social consequences of such control, such as social inequality? I address each question below. ‘ 1. 2. 1 Control of public discourse We have seen that among many other resources that define the power base of a group or institution, access to or control over public discourse and communication is an important â€Å"symbolic† resource, as is the case for knowledge and information (van Dijk 1996). Most people have active control only over everyday talk with family members, friends, or colleagues, and passive control over, e. g. media usage. In many 356 Teun A. van Dijk situations, ordinary people are more or less passive targets of text or talk, e. g. f their bosses or teachers, or of the authorities, such as police officers, judges, welfare bureaucrats, or tax inspectors, who may simply tell them what (not) to believe or what to do. On the other hand, members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control over, one or more types of public discourse. Thus, professors control scholarly discourse, teachers educational discourse, journalists media discourse, lawyers legal discourse, and politicians policy and other public political discourse. Those who have more control over more — and more influential — discourse (and more discourse properties) are by that definition also more powerful. In other words, we here propose a discursive definition (as well as a practical diagnostic) of one of the crucial constituents of social power. These notions of discourse access and control are very general, and it is one of the tasks of CDA to spell out these forms of power. Thus, if discourse is defined in terms of complex communicative events, access and control may be defined both for the context and for the structures of text and talk themselves. Context is defined as the mentally represented structure of those properties of the social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse (Duranti and Goodwin 1992; van Dijk 1998b). It consists of such categories as the overall definition of the situation, setting (time, place), ongoing actions (including discourses and discourse genres), participants in various communicative, social, or institutional roles, as well as their mental representations: goals, knowledge, opinions, attitudes, and ideologies. Controlling context involves control over one or more of these categories, e. . determining the definition of the communicative situation, deciding on time and place of the communicative event, or on which participants may or must be present, and in which roles, or what knowledge or opinions they should (not) have, and which social actions may or must be accomplished by discourse. Also crucial in the enactment or exercise of group power is control not only over content, but over the structures of text and talk. Relating text and context, thus, we already saw that (members of) powerful groups may decide on the (possible) discourse genre(s) or speech acts of an occasion. A teacher or judge may require a direct answer from a student or suspect, respectively, and not a personal story or an argument (Wodak 1984a, 1986). More critically, we may examine how powerful speakers may abuse their power in such situations, e. g. when police officers use force to get a confession from a suspect (Linell and Jonsson 1991), or when male editors exclude women from writing economic news (van Zoonen 1994). Similarly, genres typically have conventional schemas consisting of various categories. Access to some of these may be prohibited or obligatory, e. . some greetings in a conversation may only be used by speakers of a specific social group, rank, age, or gender (Irvine 1974). Also vital for all discourse and communication is who controls the topics (semantic macrostructures) and topic change, as when editors decide what news topics will be covered (Gans 1979; van Dijk 1988a, 1988b), professors decide what topics will be dealt with in class, or men control topics and t opic change in conversations with women (Palmer 1989; Fishman 1983; Leet-Pellegrini 1980; Lindegren-Lerman 1983). Critical Discourse Analysis 357 Although most discourse control is contextual or global, even local details of meaning, form, or style may be controlled, e. g. the details of an answer in class or court, or choice of lexical items or jargon in courtrooms, classrooms or newsrooms (Martin Rojo 1994). In many situations, volume may be controlled and speakers ordered to â€Å"keep their voice down† or to â€Å"keep quiet,† women may be â€Å"silenced† in many ways (Houston and Kramarae 1991), and in some cultures one needs to â€Å"mumble† as a form of respect (Albert 1972). The public use of specific words may be banned as subversive in a dictatorship, and discursive challenges to culturally dominant groups (e. g. white, western males) by their multicultural opponents may be ridiculed in the media as â€Å"politically correct† (Williams 1995). And finally, action and interaction dimensions of discourse may be controlled by prescribing or proscribing specific speech acts, and by selectively distributing or interrupting turns (see also Diamond 1996). In sum, virtually all levels and structures of context, text, and talk can in principle be more or less controlled by powerful speakers, and such power may be abused at the expense of other participants. It should, however, be stressed that talk and text do not always and directly enact or embody the overall power relations between groups: it is always the context that may interfere with, reinforce, or otherwise transform such relationships. 1. 2. 2 Mind control If controlling discourse is a first major form of power, controlling people’s minds is the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony. Within a CDA framework, â€Å"mind control† involves even more than just acquiring beliefs about the world through discourse and communication. Suggested below are ways that power and dominance are involved in mind control. First, recipients tend to accept beliefs, knowledge, and opinions (unless they are inconsistent with their personal beliefs and experiences) th rough discourse from what they see as authoritative, trustworthy, or credible sources, such as scholars, experts, professionals, or reliable media (Nesler et al. 1993). Second, in some situations participants are obliged to be recipients of discourse, e. . in education and in many job situations. Lessons, learning materials, job instructions, and other discourse types in such cases may need to be attended to, interpreted, and learned as intended by institutional or organizational authors (Giroux 1981). Third, in many situations there are no pubic discourses or media that may provide information from which alternative beliefs may be derived (Downing 1984). Fourth, and closely related to the previous points, recipients may not have the knowledge and beliefs needed to challenge the discourses or information they are exposed to (Wodak 1987). Whereas these conditions of mind control are largely contextual (they say something about the participants of a communicative event), other conditions are discursive, that is, a function of the structures and strategies of text or talk itself. In other words, given a specific context, certain meanings and forms of discourse have more influence on people’s minds than others, as the very notion of â€Å"persuasion† and a tradition of 2000 years of rhetoric may show. ‘ Once we have elementary insight into some of the structures of the mind, and what it means to control it, the crucial question is how discourse and its structures are able 58 Teun A. van Dijk to exercise such control. As suggested above, such discursive influence may be due to context as well as to the structures of text and talk themselves. Contextually based control derives from the fact that people understand and represent not only text and talk, but also the whole communicative situation. Thus, CDA typically studies how context features (such as the properties of language users of powerful groups) influence the ways members of dominated groups define the communicative situation in â€Å"preferred context models† (Martin Rojo and van Dijk 1997). CDA also focuses on how discourse structures influence mental representations. At the global level of discourse, topics may influence what people see as the most important information of text or talk, and thus correspond to the top levels of their mental models. For example, expressing such a topic in a headline in news may powerfully influence how an event is defined in terms of a â€Å"preferred† mental model (e. g. when crime committed by minorities is typically topicalized and headlined in the press: Duin et al. 988; van Dijk 1991). Similarly, argumentation may be persuasive because of the social opinions that are â€Å"hidden† in its implicit premises and thus taken for granted by the recipients, e. g. immigration may thus be restricted if it is presupposed in a parliamentary debate that all refugees are â€Å"illegal† (see the contributions in Wodak and van Dijk 2000) Likewise, at the local level, in order to understand discourse meaning and coherence, peop le may need models featuring beliefs that remain implicit (presupposed) in discourse. Thus, a typical feature of manipulation is to communicate beliefs implicitly, that is, without actually asserting them, and with less chance that they will be challenged. These few examples show how various types of discourse structure may influence the formation and change of mental models and social representations. If dominant groups, and especially their elites, largely control public discourse and its structures, they thus also have more control over the minds of the public at large. However, such control has its limits. The complexity of comprehension, and the formation and change of beliefs, are such that one cannot always predict which features of a specific text or talk will have which effects on the minds of specific recipients. These brief remarks have provided us with a very general picture of how discourse is involved in dominance (power abuse) and in the production and reproduction of social inequality. It is the aim of CDA to examine these relationships in more detail. In the next section, we review several areas of CDA research in which these relationships are investigated. ‘ 2 Research in Critical Discourse Analysis Although most discourse studies dealing with any aspect of power, domination, and social inequality have not been explicitly conducted under the label of CDA, we shall nevertheless refer to some of these studies below. 2. 1 Gender inequality One vast field of critical research on discourse and language that thus far has not been carried out within a CDA perspective is that of gender. In many ways, feminist Critical Discourse Analysis 359 work has become paradigmatic for much discourse analysis, especially since much of this work explicitly deals with social inequality and domination. We will not review it here; see Kendall and Tannen, this volume; also the books authored and edited by, e. g. , Cameron (1990, 1992); Kotthoff and Wodak (1997); Seidel (1988); Thorne et al. (1983); Wodak (1997); for discussion and comparison with an approach that emphasizes cultural differences rather than power differences and inequality, see, e. g. , Tannen (1994a); see also Tannen (1994) for an analysis of gender differences at work, in which many of the properties of discursive dominance are dealt with. 2. 2 Media discourse The undeniable power of the media has inspired many critical studies in many disciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies. Traditional, often content analytical approaches in critical media studies have revealed biased, stereotypical, sexist or racist images in texts, illustrations, and photos. Early studies of media language similarly focused on easily observable surface structures, such as the biased or partisan use of words in the description of Us and Them (and Our/Their actions and characteristics), especially along sociopolitical lines in the representation of communists. The critical tone was set by a series of â€Å"Bad News† studies by the Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980, 1982, 1985, 1993) on features of TV reporting, such as in the coverage of various issues (e. g. industrial disputes (strikes), the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the media coverage of AIDS. ) Perhaps best known outside of discourse studies is the media research carried out by Stuart Hall and his associates within the framework of the cultural studies paradigm. (See, e. g. , Hall et al. 1980; for introduction to the critical work of cultural studies, see Agger 1992a; see also Collins et al. 986; for earlier critical approaches to the analysis of media images, see also Davis and Walton 1983; and for a later CDA approach to media studies that is related to the critical approach of cultural studies, see Fairclough 1995b. See also Cotter, this volume. ) An early collection of work of Roger Fowler and his associates (Fowler et al. 1979) also focused on the media. As with ma ny other English and Australian studies in this paradigm, the theoretical framework of Halliday’s functional-systemic grammar is used in a study of the â€Å"transitivity† of syntactic patterns of sentences (see Martin, this volume). The point of such research is that events and actions may be described with syntactic variations that are a function of the underlying involvement of actors (e. g. their agency, responsibility, and perspective). Thus, in an analysis of the media accounts of the â€Å"riots† during a minority festival, the responsibility of the authorities and especially of the police in such violence may be systematically de-emphasized by defocusing, e. g. by passive constructions and nominalizations; that is, by leaving agency and responsibility implicit. Fowler’s later critical studies of the media continue this tradition, but also pay tribute to the British cultural studies paradigm that defines news not as a reflection of reality, but as a product shaped by political, economic, and cultural forces (Fowler 1991). More than in much other critical work on the media, he also focuses on the linguistic â€Å"tools† for such a critical study, such as the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts. Similarly van Dijk (1988b) applies a theory of news discourse (van Dijk 1988a) in 360 Teun A. van Dijk critical studies of international news, racism in the press, and the coverage of squatters in Amsterdam. 2. 3 Political discourse Given the role of political discourse in the enactment, reproduction, and legitimization of power and domination, we may also expect many critical discourse studies of political text and talk (see Wilson, this volume). So far most of this work has been carried out by linguists and discourse analysts, because political science is among the few social disciplines in which discourse analysis has remained virtually unknown, although there is some influence of â€Å"postmodern† approaches to discourse (Derian and Shapiro 1989; Fox and Miller 1995), and many studies of political communication and rhetoric overlap with a discourse analytical approach (Nimmo and Sanders 1981). Still closer to discourse analysis is the current approach to â€Å"frames† (conceptual structures or sets of beliefs that organize political thought, policies, and discourse) in the analysis of political text and talk (Gamson 1992). In linguistics, pragmatics, and discourse studies, political discourse has received attention outside the more theoretical mainstream. Seminal work comes from Paul Chilton; see, e. g. , his collection on the language of the nuclear arms debate (Chilton 1985), as well as later work on contemporary nukespeak (Chilton 1988) and metaphor (Chilton 1996; Chilton and Lakoff 1995). Although studies of political discourse in English are internationally best known because of the hegemony of English, much work has been done (often earlier, and often more systematic and explicit) in German, Spanish, and French. This work is too extensive to even begin to review here beyond naming a few influential studies. Germany has a long tradition of political discourse analysis, both (then) in the West (e. g. about Bonn’s politicians by Zimmermann 1969), as well as in the former East (e. g. he semiotic-materialist theory of Klaus 1971) (see also the introduction by Bachem 1979). This tradition in Germany witnessed a study of the language of war and peace (Pasierbsky 1983) and of speech acts in political discourse (Holly 1990). There is also a strong tradition of studying fascist language and discourse (e. g. the lexicon, propaganda, media, and language politics; Ehlich 1989). In France, the study of political language has a respectable tradition in linguistics and disco urse analysis, also because the barrier between (mostly structuralist) inguistic theory and text analysis was never very pronounced. Discourse studies are often corpus-based and there has been a strong tendency toward formal, quantitative, and automatic (content) analysis of such big datasets, often combined with critical ideological analysis (Pecheux 1969, 1982; Guespin 1976). The emphasis on automated analysis usually implies a focus on (easily quantifiable) lexical analyses (see Stubbs, this volume). Critical political discourse studies in Spain and especially also in Latin America has been very productive. Famous is the early critical semiotic (anticolonialist) study of Donald Duck by Dorfman and Mattelart (1972) in Chile. Lavandera et al. (1986, 1987) in Argentina take an influential sociolinguistic approach to political discourse, e. g. its typology of authoritarian discourse. Work of this group has been continued and organized in a more explicit CDA framework especially by Pardo (see, e. g. her work Critical Discourse Analysis 361 on legal discourse; Pardo 1996). In Mexico, a detailed ethnographic discourse analysis of local authority and decision-making was carried out by Sierra (1992). Among the many other critical studies in Latin America, we should mention the extensive work of Teresa CarbO on parliamentary discourse in Mexico, focusing especially on the way delegates speak about native Americans (CarbO 1995), with a study in English on interruptions in these debates (Car bO 1992). . 4 Ethnocentrism, antisemitism, nationalism, and racism The study of the role of discourse in the enactment and reproduction of ethnic and â€Å"racial† inequality has slowly emerged in CDA. Traditionally, such work focused on ethnocentric and racist representations in the mass media, literature, and film (Dines and Humez 1995; UNESCO 1977; Wilson and Gutierrez 1985; Hartmann and Husband 1974; van Dijk 1991). Such representations continue centuries-old dominant images of the Other in the discourses of European travelers, explorers, merchants, soldiers, philosophers, and historians, among other forms of elite discourse (Barker 1978; Lauren 1988). Fluctuating between the emphasis on exotic difference, on the one hand, and supremacist derogation stressing the Other’s intellectual, moral, and biological inferiority, on the other hand, such discourses also influenced public opinion and led to broadly shared social representations. It is the continuity of this sociocultural tradition of negative images about the Other that also partly explains the persistence of dominant patterns of representation in contemporary discourse, media, and film (Shohat and Stam 1994). Later discourse studies have gone beyond the more traditional, content analytical analysis of â€Å"images† of the Others, and probed more deeply into the linguistic, semiotic, and other discursive properties of text and talk to and about minorities, immigrants, and Other peoples (for detailed review, see Wodak and Reisigl, this volume). Besides the mass media, advertising, film, and textbooks, which were (and still are) the genres most commonly studied, this newer work also focuses on political discourse, scholarly discourse, everyday conversations, service encounters, talk shows, and a host of other genres. Many studies on ethnic and racial inequality reveal a remarkable similarity among the stereotypes, prejudices, and other forms of verbal derogation across discourse types, media, and national boundaries. For example, in a vast research program carried out at the University of Amsterdam since the early 1980s, we examined how Surinamese, Turks, and Moroccans, and ethnic relations generally, are represented in conversation, everyday stories, news reports, textbooks, parliamentary debates, corporate discourse, and scholarly text and talk (van Dijk 1984, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 1993). Besides stereotypical topics of difference, deviation, and threat, story structures, conversational features (such as hesitations and repairs in mentioning Others), semantic moves such as disclaimers (â€Å"We have nothing against blacks, but . . . , etc. ), lexical description of Others, and a host of other discourse features also were studied. The aim of these projects was to show how discourse expresses and reproduces underlying social representations of Others in the social and political context. Ter Wal (1997) applies this framework in a detailed study of the ways Italian political and media discourse grad ually changed, from an antiracist commitment and benign representation 362 Teun A. van Dijk of the â€Å"extracommunitari† (non-Europeans) to a more stereotypical and negative por- trayal of immigrants in terms of crime, deviance, and threat. The major point f our work is that racism (including antisemitism, xenophobia, and related forms of resentment against â€Å"racially† or ethnically defined Others) is a complex system of social and political inequality that is also reproduced by discourse in general, and by elite discourses in particular (see further references in Wodak and Reisigl, this volume). Instead of further elaborating the complex details of the theoretical relationships between discourse and racism, we shall refer to a book that may be taken as a prototype of conservative elite discourse on â€Å"race† today, namely, The End of Racism by Dinesh D’Souza (1995). This text embodies many of the dominant ideologies in the USA, especially on the right, and it specifically targets one minority group in the USA: African Americans. Space prohibits detailed analysis of this 700-page book (but see van Dijk 1998a). Here we can merely summarize how the CDA of D’Souza’s The End of Racism shows what kind of discursive structures, strategies, and moves are deployed in exercising the power of the dominant (white, western, male) group, and how readers are manipulated to form or confirm the social representations that are consistent with a conservative, supremacist ideology. The overall strategy of D’Souza’s The End of Racism is the combined implementation, at all levels of the text, of the positive presentation of the in-group and the negative presentation of the out-group. In D’Souza’s book, the principal rhetorical means are those of hyperbole and metaphor, viz. , the exaggerated representation of social problems in terms of illness (â€Å"pathologies,† â€Å"virus†), and the emphasis of the contrast between the Civilized and the Barbarians. Semantically and lexically, the Others are thus associated not simply with difference, but rather with deviance (â€Å"illegitimacy†) and threat (violence, attacks). Argumentative assertions of the depravity of black culture are combined with denials of white deficiencies (racism), with rhetorical mitigation and euphemization of its crimes (colonialism, slavery), and with semantic reversals of blame (blaming the victim). Social conflict is thus cognitively represented and enhanced by polarization, and discursively sustained and reproduced by derogating, demonizing, and excluding the Others from the community of Us, the Civilized. 2. From group domination to professional and institutional power We have reviewed in this section critical studies of the role of discourse in the (re)production inequality. Such studies characteristically exemplify the CDA perspective on power abuse and dominance by specific social groups. ‘ Many other studies, whether under the CDA banner or not, also critically examine various genres of institutional and professional discourse, e. g. text and talk in the courtroom (see Shuy, this volume; Danet 1984; O’Bar r et al. 978; Bradac et al. 1981; Ng and Bradac 1993; Lakoff 1990; Wodak 1984a; Pardo 1996; Shuy 1992), bureaucratic discourse (Burton and Carlen 1979; Radtke 1981), medical discourse (see Ainsworth-Vaughn and Fleischman, this volume; Davis 1988; Fisher 1995; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mishler 1984; West 1984; Wodak 1996), educational and scholarly discourse (Aronowitz 1988; Critical Discourse Analysis 363 Apple 1979; Bourdieu 1984, 1989; Bernstein 1975, 1990; Bourdieu et al. 1994; Giroux 1981; Willis 1977; Atkinson et al. 995; Coulthard 1994; Duszak 1997; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mercer 1995; Wodak 1996; Bergvall and Remlinger 1996; Ferree and Hall 1996; Jaworski 1983; Leimdorfer 1992; Osler 1994; Said 1979; Smith 1991; van Dijk 1987, 1993), and corporate discourse (see Linde, this volume; Mumby 1988; Boden 1994; Drew and Heritage 1992; Ehlich 1995; Mumby 1993; Mumby and Clair 1997), among many other sets of genres. In all these cases, power and dominance are associated with specific socia l domains (politics, media, law, education, science, etc. , their professional elites and institutions, and the rules and routines that form the background of the everyday discursive reproduction of power in such domains and institutions. The victims or targets of such power are usually the public or citizens at large, the â€Å"masses,† clients, subjects, the audience, students, and other groups that are dependent on institutional and organizational power. 3 Conclusion We have seen in this chapter that critical discourse analyses deal with the relationship between discourse and power. We have also sketched the complex theoretical framework needed to analyze discourse and power, and provided a glimpse of the many ways in which power and domination are reproduced by text and talk. Yet several methodological and theoretical gaps remain. First, the cognitive interface between discourse structures and those of the local and global social context is seldom made explicit, and appears usually only in terms of the notions of knowledge and ideology (van Dijk 1998). Thus, despite a large number of empirical studies on discourse and power, the details of the multidisciplinary theory of CDA that should relate discourse and action with cognition and society are still on the agenda. Second, there is still a gap between more linguistically oriented studies of text and talk and the various approaches in the social. The first often ignore concepts and theories in sociology and political science on power abuse and inequality, whereas the second seldom engage in detailed discourse analysis. Integration of various approaches is therefore very important to arrive at a satisfactory form of multidisciplinary CDA. NOTES I am indebted to Ruth Wodak for her comments on an earlier version of this chapter, and to Laura Pardo for further information, about CDA research in Latin America. 1 It comes as no surprise, then, that CDA research will often refer to the leading social philosophers and social scientists of our time when theorizing these and other fundamental notions. Thus, reference to the leading scholars of the Frankfurter School and to contemporary work by Habermas (for instance, on legitimation and his last â€Å"discourse† approach to norms and democracy) is of course common in critical analysis. Similarly, many critical studies will refer to Foucault 64 Teun A. van Dijk when dealing with notions such as power, domination, and discipline or the more philosophical notion of â€Å"orders of discourse. † More recently, the many studies on language, culture, and society by Bourdieu have become increasingly influential; for instance, his notion of â€Å"habitus. † From an other sociological perspective, Giddens’s structuration theory is now occasionally mentioned. It should be borne in mind that although several of these social philosophers and sociologists make extensive use of the notions of language and discourse, they seldom engage in explicit, systematic discourse analysis. Indeed, the last thing critical discourse scholars should do is to uncritically adopt philosophical or sociological ideas about language and discourse that are obviously uninformed by advances in contemporary linguistics and discourse analysis. Rather, the work referred to here is mainly relevant for the use of fundamental concepts about the social order and hence for the metatheory of CDA. 2 Space limitations prevent discussion of a third issue: how dominated groups discursively challenge or resist the control of powerful groups. 3 Note that â€Å"mind control† is merely a handy phrase to summarize a very complex process. Cognitive psychology and mass communication research have shown that influencing the mind is not as straightforward a process as simplistic ideas about mind control might suggest (Britton and Graesser 1996; Glasser and Salmon 1995; Klapper 1960; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983). Recipients may vary in their interpretation and uses of text and talk, also as a function of class, gender, or culture (Liebes and Katz 1990). Likewise, recipients seldom passively accept the intended opinions of specific discourses. However, we should not forget that most of our beliefs about the world are acquired through discourse. In order to analyze the complex processes involved in how discourse may control people’s minds, we would need to spell out the detailed mental representations and cognitive operations studied in cognitive science. Since even an adequate summary is beyond the scope of this chapter, we will only briefly introduce a few notions that are necessary to understand the processes of dis cursive mind control (for details, see, e. g. , Graesser and Bower 1990; van Dijk and Kintsch 1983; van Oostendorp and Zwaan 1994; Weaver et al. 1995). 5 Note that the picture just sketched is very schematic and general. The relations between the social power of groups and institutions, on the one hand, and discourse on the other, as well as between discourse and cognition, and cognition and society, are vastly more complex. There are many contradictions. There is not always a clear picture of one dominant group (or class or institution) oppressing another one, controlling all public discourse, and such discourse directly controlling the mind of the dominated. There are many forms of collusion, consensus, legitimation, and even â€Å"joint production† of forms of inequality. Members of dominant groups may become dissidents and side with dominated groups, and vice versa. Opponent discourses may be adopted by dominant groups, whether strategically to neutralize them, or simply because dominant power and ideologies may change, as is for instance quite obvious in ecological discourse and ideology. 6 Unfortunately, the study of the discursive reproduction of class has been rather neglected in this perspective; for a related approach, though, see Willis (1977). Critical Discourse Analysis 365 REFERENCES Agger, B. (1992a). Cultural Studies as Critical Theory. London: Falmer Press. Agger, B. (1992b). The Discourse of Domination. 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When Most People Hear The Word alcohol They Arent

When most people hear the word alcohol they arent that amused or surprised. This is because the majority of the population drinks alcohol during social events or during their meals. It is very unfortunate that so many people are drinking this toxic liquid. It may not kill you the first time but over the long run it can do a lot of damage. Alcohol is the first drug known to man. It is said by many to have been discovered/made in hot climates when dates, grapes, and berries rotted and became liquor. In the old days people believed that alcohol was a medicinal healer and a tonic for the healthy. This belief went on until 1632 when drunkenness became a big problem and the law banned it. It is unknown when the law stopped banning drunkenness but as the years continued the demand for alcohol selling places increased. This led to the beginning of taverns and bars. In some 19th century there are pictures of drunken men beating their wives and abusing their child. The history of alcohol shows that as mankind developed people started to understand more about how alcohol doesnt do very much good for your body. The clear liquid is ingredient to many beers, wines, and mixed drinks. One can of beer is equal to a glass of wine, which is equal to a mixed drink, when it comes to how much alcohol it contains. Alcohol has many street names including hooch, gut rut, booze, and spirit. Im not sure why alcohol has street names but it could be just giving it a nickname or it could have been protection from getting caught by the police. Abuses of alcohol are drinking beer, wine or a mixed drink. Though some people abuse alcohol there are also several medicinal uses. I know that in a lot of antibiotics there is alcohol. People also use alcohol to clean things including thermometers and skin. Cooking wine is used in several dishes. There is a kind of breath freshener drops that contain alcohol. So alcohol isnt all bad for it has many uses other than abuses. Any intake of alcohol produces an intoxication, the greater amount ingested, the greater the effects. LOW DOSES: - Relaxing effect - Reduces tension - Lowers inhibitions - Impairs concentration - Slows reflexes - Impairs reaction time - Reduces coordination MEDIUM DOSES: - (All Above) - Slurred Speech - Drowsiness - Different emotions HIGH DOSES: - (All above) - Vomiting - Breathing difficulties - Unconsciousness - Coma Alcohol is considered neurotoxic since it kills brain cells. Chronic drinking can result in intolerance to many of the effects of alcohol and various health problems. Chronic drinking can also: - Damage the frontal lobe - Cause an overall reduction in brain size CAUTION!!! Mothers that drink alcohol during pregnancy can cause a lot of problems for the baby. These include: - Smaller heads - Some mental retardation - Poor condition - Hyperactivity - Abnormal facial features - Other brain defects - Lower IQ (Intelligence Quotient) There are many factors that influence how alcohol will affect your body. Age is one of them because the smaller you are the quicker alcohol can flow through your blood stream. Gender is another because women are generally smaller than men. If other medicines are taken it can have some serious affects. Sometimes if a member of the family has to take an antibiotic it says in big letters not to drink alcohol while taking your medicine. This will make the effects of alcohol possibly twice as strong. Alcohol has the potential to damage every organ in your system. Alcohol has a path of how it goes through your body. It first enters your body through the mouth. Then when it is in your stomach some goes directly into the blood stream but mostly into the small intestine. From the small intestine it enters the blood stream. The heart then pumps the alcohol through your body. When the alcohol reaches your brain it slows down brain cells. In the liver alcohol is oxidized at a rate of .5 oz an hour. The alcohol is converted into water, carbon dioxide and energy. There are some interesting facts about alcohol. Its scientific name is C2H5OH. It is a very small molecule and is soluble in water solutions. There are alcoholics in every category of person. One way to stop alcoholism is to join the organization called